Freedom Support Act—Conference Report
Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I
fully endorse the conference report on the Freedom Support Act [FSA]
and would like to clarify, for the record, the purpose of the section
placing conditions on United States assistance to the Government
of Azerbaijan.
This section of the conference report is a modified
version of a provision that I first offered in the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee. As accepted by the Conference Committee, the
provision prohibits assistance to the Government of Azerbaijan unless
and until the President determines, and so reports to Congress,
that Azerbaijan `is taking demonstrable steps to cease all blockades
and other offensive uses of force against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabach'.
I feel it necessary to clarify the purpose of
this provision because the term `demonstrable steps' is not self-defining
and because the Bush administration position on the provision has
flip-flopped since the Senate first approved it.
I want to make it clear, first of all, that
a major change from current policies and practices will be required
if the Azeri Government is to meet the condition in the bill. It
is not my intention, as sponsor of the language, and I am sure it
is not the intention of the Senate, that this provision be dismissed
or taken lightly by the President. By `demonstrable steps', we do
not mean words, we mean actions, and those actions must reflect
a sustained commitment on the part of the Azeri Government to end
the violence in Nagorno-Karabach and to lift permanently the blockades
against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabach.
Unfortunately, Azeri policies appear at the
moment to be headed in precisely the wrong direction. The blockade
against Armenia remains in place and Azerbaijan military forces
have been fighting for months to close the humanitarian Lachin corridor
between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabach. Just this past week, moreover,
Azerbaijan launched a major offensive against the Armenian minority
in Nagorno-Karabach, including the bombing of residential districts
in Stepankert. As a result of the recent violence, an additional
50,000 refugees have been forced to flee to Armenia, bringing the
total to more than 300,000 since the fighting began.
Any perception that Azerbaijan is without fault
for the continued violence is rebutted by reports from Azerbaijan,
itself. Only a few days ago, Azeri television reported that: `The
Azerbaijani Armed Forces have conducted yet another successful military
operation. The Fizuli subunits of the national army, having launched
an advance, liberated the city of Martuni * * * as well as
the Khodzhaven settlement. Simultaneously, our
valiant fighters occupied the two strategically important heights
of Koynekhtepe and Kyultepe and one other Armenian post in the direction
of Gadrut. As a result of this operation, 5 tanks and 7 guns were
destroyed and more than 200 enemy soldiers were killed. Operations
continue on other fronts, as well.'
Meanwhile, Armenian President Ter-Petrosyan
continues to call for a normalization of relations with Azerbaijan
and for cooperation in economic and political development. Armenia
has renounced any territorial claims against Azerbaijan, expressed
strong support for a ceasefire within Nagorno-Karabach and for discussions
between Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabach to settle peacefully the
latter's status. Armenia also remains willing to discuss directly
with Azerbaijan the means by which the two republics might achieve
lasting peace and stability within the region.
As I said at the time the Freedom Support Act
was first approved by the Senate, `It should not be United States
policy, and it is not the intent behind the language in this bill,
that the United States side with one party or the other in the conflict
over Nagorno-Karabach. It is not we who will have to live with the
outcome of that conflict. Nor do we wish to encourage other outside
powers to intervene. Our neutrality, however, does not extend to
the issue of principle. We are not neutral about abduction torture
or murder. We are not neutral about blockades designed to starve
out poipulations. We are not neutral about mortarfire and shelling
that kill indiscriminately. And we are not neutral about the issue
of whether disputes over territory and self-determination ought
to be settled through peaceful negotiation rather than violence'.
At the time I made that statement, the Bush
administration was on record in support of placing conditions on
assistance to Azerbaijan. On June 10, Assistant Secretary of State
Richard Armitage told the House Foreign Affairs Committee that the
provision now in the conference report had the support of the administration.
During deliberations of the conference committee,
however, the administration reversed field 180 degrees and urged
that the language, approved by both the House and Senate, be dropped.
The refusal of the conferees to remove or weaken the language stands,
therefore, as a strong expression of congressional intent. Upon
enactment of this legislation, the law of the land will clearly
bar any United States aid or other benefits under this bill from
going to Azerbaijan unless the government of that country makes
a sustained and demonstrable commitment to cease its economic and
military aggression against its neighbor and to seek a just and
peaceful resolution of the crisis in Nagorno-Karabach.
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